Issue No 39, April 27-May 03, 2003 | ISSN:1684-2075 | satribune.com


Opinion

 

Return of Savarkar: Is it South Asia’s Ethnic Cleansing

N M Sampathkumar Iyangar

OPPOSITE A portrait of Mohandas K Gandhi that hangs in the Central Hall of the Indian Parliament in New Delhi was unveiled on Feb 26, a new portrait, of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar. A host of dignitaries were present to hail the inclusion of Savarkar among the pantheon of recognized ‘freedom fighters’ and statesmen. Representatives of the more than twenty constituent parties of the ruling NDA graced the gala occasion.

"Today the picture is there -- the ideology will follow; this is just the beginning,” quipped Vikram, nephew of Savarkar, the author of the 1923 book "Hindutva: Who Is a Hindu?” The Washington Post commented (See http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A7915-2003Feb26.html), “Homage to Hindu Nationalist Reflects Change in India.” These comments lucidly summarize the apprehensions the ceremony brought about not just in the minds of Muslims and other minorities of the country. Neighboring Capitals of New Delhi too were disturbed at the development. And not without basis.

Savarkar is credited with coining the term “Hindutva” to represent Hinduness and showcasing it as the national trait. The term has acquired sinister connotations in the last few years. It has come to symbolize a militant, obscurantist movement that is almost terrorist in nature. And, Feb 26th happened to be just a day short of the day when the trigger point for bloody riots in the State of Gujarat had been provided in 2002. More than 50 boisterous Hindu volunteers returning from Ayodhya had been roasted alive in their rail coach by a Muslim mob near Godhra in Gujarat after they allegedly misbehaved with Muslim vendors. In a precisely conducted reprisal-violence, Muslims and their establishments in the state were systematically attacked and looted. More than 1000 people were slaughtered by rampaging mobs owing allegiance to BJP. The carnage was publicly justified by Narendra Modi, the BJP Chief Minister, as just a backlash and “equal and opposite reaction to action.”

Former science bureaucrat and head of the country’s space and guided missile program APJ Abdul Kalam, recently elevated to the ceremonial post of the President, unveiled Savarkar’s portrait. He was easily the most noticed of the dignitaries but his presence raised no eyebrows. After all, he had let himself be paraded like a Pomeranian, flanked by Modi and the Gujarat Governor SS Bhandari, in the streets of Ahmedabad after the pogrom. Bhandari, is believed to have been planted by BJP as Governor to convert Gujarat through State-sponsored terror against minorities into a “laboratory” of strategies for ushering in Hindu Rashtra. The parading of Kalam, his masterstroke, produced the desired results for BJP in the elections. Mercifully, both Modi and the boss did not grace the occasion. They had confined themselves to Gujarat during the “anniversary” of the carnage. The function was totally boycotted by opposition politicians.

Vinayak Savarkar had been accused, along with Nathuram Godse and five others, as the mastermind and motivator of the successful plot to assassinate Gandhi on Jan 30, 1948. He was let off due to “lack of corroborating evidence” as the judge felt that convicting him “would be unsafe". It is also on that he had pleaded for mercy from the British government while under penal detention for ordering the assassination of an official. These are used by some politicians to paint a gory picture of Savarkar as a criminal zealot while the other section hails him as a freedom fighter and “Savior of Hindu pride.”

An objective analysis of recent history of the subcontinent reveals that both these images are far removed from the reality. For one, the British-educated lawyer had much more in common with the sophisticated, no-nonsense intellectuals Mohammed Ali Jinnah and Bhimrao Ambedkar than with either the khadi-clad crooks of the Congress or the saffron sadhus of Hindu Mahasabha. Even before Jinnah, he pioneered the idea of establishing a culturally homogeneous nation of Hindus when the British wanted to depart from the South Asian colony.

Advocating cultural homogeneity can by no means be equated with barbarism. That artificial unification of heterogeneous societies cannot last for long has been made evident by the break up USSR, Yugoslavia etc. Countries like Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Israel etc can, by no stretch of imagination, accused of locking out other people although they advocate cultural homogeneity.

The Indus valley had been the site of a fully developed civilization as far back as the 3rd millennium BC. It had collapsed around the 18th century BC when Aryan invaders conquered the northern part of the country. It was first consolidated within the Asoka's Buddhist Empire and then the Hindu empire of the Gupta dynasty. Much of the Indian subcontinent was united under a Muslim sultanate based on Delhi from the 12th century AD. The sultanate was incorporated in the Mogul empire in the 16th century. The decline of Mogul power in the late 17th century coincided with increasing European penetration. British-owned East India Company acquired the right to administer Bengal in 1765 and afterwards other parts. The Crown took over the Company's authority in 1858 and eventually triumphed over other colonial rivals.

A system of diarchy was established in 1919 and under the provisions of the Government of India Act, limited autonomy was granted. British governors headed provincial governments consisting of British-appointed councilors and Indian ministers selected by governors from locally elected officials. Opposition to this system led to full provincial autonomy in 1935. The British were all set to withdraw after transferring power to the autonomous provinces and principalities whose rulers had earlier accepted the Crown's sovereignty.

However, politicians who fronted for the wealthy mill-owners and traders, led by Mohandas Gandhi, were keen on wresting the power. To facilitate this, it was proposed to create a distinct entity named Pakistan out of mainly Muslim-inhabited territories separated by more than 1000 miles in the northeast and the northwest. Winston Churchill was opposed to it had warned of serious consequences this premature partition would lead to. He predicted “rogues, rascals, freebooters and men of straw” would ascend to power and the common man would suffer perpetually. He could not prevent the premature emergence of an entity known as India in 1947 in New Delhi. The entity came to control the enormous gold reserves accumulated during the War.

Partition understandably inflamed emotions. An orgy of violence and genocide followed and turned a few million people into refugees. In hindsight, bisecting of the subcontinent was indeed a premature and incomplete affair. The eastern part of Pakistan seceded in 1971 with military help from India and became Bangladesh. However, the new country was never comfortable with the "big-brotherly" attitude of New Delhi.

On closer examination, what Gandhi, Nehru, Patel et al did during 1942-47 appears to be nothing different than the activities of obscurantist Hindutva bigots sixty years later. The genocide and arson during the partition was not very different from the massacres wreaked in Gujarat in 2002. An angry activist named Nathuram Godse who could not reconcile to the insanity and accept Mohandas Gandhi as a 'Mahatma' (Great soul) assassinated him in 1948.

The Indian National Congress then had mounted a campaign to demand that the British do exactly what they anyway were keen on doing (Quit India). But, it wanted that the power be handed over to the gang of politicians and not to the original feudal lords. Obscurantist elements in the BJP now want the Muslims of India to do what they are anyway reconciled to (being second-class citizens).

To hold Savarkar responsible either for the assassination of the so-called father of the nation or for the rise of bigots advocating a barbarian brand of Hindutva is definitely an unsound argument. One thing is worth pondering. Had only thinkers like Vinayak Savarkar not been marginalized by crooked politicians, perhaps there would have arisen no occasion to smart under a weird street-urchin brand of Hindutva being advocated by lumpen elements today.

May be the Indian subcontinent could have emerged as a true commonwealth of several culturally homogenous nations. May be they would have evolved into what Europe is trying to become. It would be in order of things if the return of Savarkar does turn out to be “just the beginning” of a radical review of the unsustainable arrangement of 1947 and scrapping of the constitution of the most populous (not popular) Republic of the world. It happens to be the most bizarre also.

There is no place in the 21st Century for an instrument that seeks to impose State-control on the personal choices of the people on what to eat (beef-eaters are cannibals!) or what to drink (consumption of alcohol downgrades character!). Or perpetration of caste-based reservations that has played havoc with merit. Or attempts to impose one language at monstrous cost on everyone.

The writer is an Indian technocrat specializing in the development and manufacture of sophisticated precision-machined components for nuclear and aerospace applications.

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