Honorable
Death of Bugti May Mean Tons of Trouble for Musharraf
By
Shehryar Mazari
KARACHI,
February 9: Violence in Balochistan recently prompted tough-talking
President Pervez Musharraf to warn Baloch tribesmen to stop fighting
or "they will not know what hit them".
He was probably referring to his
army's newly acquired hi-tech weaponry - such as night vision
attack helicopters - given by the US to help eliminate Islamist
militants on Pakistan's western border.
Gen
Musharraf's threatening tirade, however, has had the opposite
effect. Almost overnight, even the few pro-military urbanized
Baloch have turned against the general's jingoistic philosophy.
The reason for this transformation lies deep within Baloch culture.
The
Baloch speak a Western Iranian language related to Kurdish. Nomadic
and warlike, they migrated from southern Iran to escape the depredations
of Genghis Khan's Mongols sometime in the 13th century.
Their
preference for mountainous terrains and the resulting geographic
isolation allowed them to maintain a distinct cultural identity
and resist domination by a long succession of neighboring rulers.
Even the British Raj sought amity
with local tribes by granting autonomy and subsidies to the tribal
chiefs.
Balochistan was forcibly amalgamated
into Pakistan in 1948 and its inhabitants have taken up arms against
Islamabad thrice since.
The last insurgency broke out
in the mid-1970s and it took several army divisions and aerial
bombardment to overwhelm the defiant members of the Marri tribe.
Valor,
martial prowess and honor are key elements of Baloch tribalism.
Ballads from the 15th century about the great war between two
Baloch tribal blocs, respectively ruled by Chakar Rind and Gowaram
Lashari, are still regarded as the ultimate in chivalric tradition.
As
recent as the mid-1990s, the warring Mazari and Bugti tribes spawned
a new generation of ballads extolling their bravery and paying
homage to those that had died in the conflict. Tribal pride can
also play a destructive role.
In
1973 Islamabad engineered the dismissal of the first elected Balochistan
government, then headed by the Marri and Mengal tribal chiefs.
The chief of the Bugtis, who nursed a perceived insult from these
rival sardars (tribal chiefs), agreed to become Islamabad's newly
appointed provincial governor.
He then sent a discreet message
to his rivals, the Marri and Mengal sardars, that he would reinstate
their government provided they made peace by visiting him at his
official governor's residence.
The ensuing negotiations eventually
culminated in a major anti-Islamabad rebellion. It led to the
death of hundreds of tribesmen at the hands of the army.
Since this last revolt Islamabad
has ensured that Balochistan's provincial government remains faithful.
Having procured the political
support of a host of minor Baloch sardars and Pathan mullahs,
Gen Musharraf's regime has persistently ignored the provincial
government's decades of massive corruption.
People remain poor as billions are lost to corruption. Many Balochis
believe that up to 80 per cent of provincial funds are continually
pocketed by local politicians and bureaucrats.
Recently Islamabad announced two
mega projects; the construction of a deep seaport at Gwadar and
the Saindak copper mining project.
Gwadar
has become a major controversy with Balochis claiming that 75
per cent of their land has been acquired by serving military officers
at throwaway prices. Most jobs at Gwadar and Saindak have been
given to non-Balochistanis. Worse still for the locals is the
forecasted change in provincial demography.
It
has been estimated that the new port city of Gwadar could have
a non-Baloch/Pathan population running into millions. Local intelligentsia
has already started talking about the possibility of "a Punjabi-speaking
chief minister within 15 years." This
has led to serious discontent across the province.
The recent gang rape of a female doctor in the Bugti town of Sui
allegedly by an army captain and his three subordinates has only
added fuel to what looks like a rapidly growing fire.
A
woman's honor is sacrosanct among the Baloch and the army's refusal
to let the local police interrogate the suspects has infuriated
them. To the Baloch, it is just another example of the 'Punjabi'
army's inherent immorality.
Many now believe that the 78 year-old
Nawab of the Bugtis is not unhappy with the idea of dying in a
blaze of immortal Baloch glory. If he should die in a clash with
the army then tough-talking Gen Musharraf could be in deep trouble.
The
writer is the co-author of Baloch leader Sherbaz Mazari's political
memoirs, Journey to Disillusionment. He wrote this comment for
the BBC Web Site
